Sunday 26 July 2009

The Wretched of the earth-Franz Fannon

The Wretched of the earth
Franz Fannon

Preface by Jean-Paul Sartre
Not too long ago, the world had 2,000 million inhabitants, five hundred million men and 1,500 million natives. The former had
the word, the others had the use of it. Between the two there were overlords and hired kinglets and a bourgeoisie, which served as go betweens. In the colonized countries, natives had to love the colonizers, somewhat in the way mothers are. The European elite manufactured a native elite by picking up promising adolescents, branded them with western culture, stuffed them with high sounding phrases, brought them to the ‘mother country’ and sent them back’ white washed’, where they echoed European slogans.
But mouths opened by themselves with polite expression of resentment in European languages. A new generation told Europeans that humanist claims were universal, but racist methods negated them. Uneasy consciences are caught up in their own conscience.
Colonial administrators allowed them to let off steam.
1961, Europe now lives at such a mad and reckless pace, she is running headlong into an abyss.
Natives of the underdeveloped countries have to unite. The third world is not a homogenous place. It has phony independence, under constant threat of aggression. Imperialists keep feudal rulers in their pay, have created native bourgeoisie, divisions in opposing groups, racial prejudices, urban proletariat, puppet bourgeoisie, lumpen proletariat of shanty-towns lining up with the rural masses. In colonies with stunted development peasants make a revolutionary class as it suffers more than town workers.
When native bourgeoisie takes over, power remains in the hands of imperialists. Cult of personality, western culture and equally to be feared, withdrawal into past culture prevail.
Colonialism generally enriched the ruling country, whether the people (of the ruling country) participated in the process or not. They distance themselves like countries do, when spies are caught and shamed over the doings of fellow citizens as a revolutionary sentiment (Marx). Liberal hypocrisy hides dialectics.
In the 19th century CE, the middle class included the working class in its own species, free to sell their labor. In the colonies, natives were treated as sub-human. Violence in the colonies dehumanized them, wiped out traditions and culture and substituted language. They were starved, if any spirit was left in them, fear would take it away. Peasants were forced into labor, land taken away, inundated in dams. Fingers (* my note-East India co in Bengal, of Muslim weavers of Dacca) cut, hands cut off in the Congo, lips pierced so could be padlocked. Slaves were called sly boots, lazy bones and thieves and that they only understood violence.
The oppressor crazed by absolute power and fear of losing it, forgot that he was human once. People reject what others have made them. Renewed aggression thrust them into unbearable contradictions. Laziness is a form of sabotage.
The oppressed are cornered between the aggressor’s guns and the terrifying compulsion of murdering the oppressor. Major impulse to murder is collective unconsciousness. Different tribes fight each other since they cannot face up to the real enemy. An obsessed person flies from his helplessness by binding himself to certain observances like fundamentalists do. Possession by spirit, mumbo-jumbo is defense against humiliation. They dance all night and crowd in churches to hear mass, have two bewitchings. The status of nature is a nervous condition in the natives maintained with their consent.
Population explosion, famines, life feared more than death as in the siege of Gaza. Violence sweeps all norms away. Liberals are stupefied. The left is embarrassed, but say there should be limits. Worthiest souls contain racial prejudice. The oppressed cures him self of neuroses through force of arms. The rebel’s weapon is a proof of his humanity. by agents of colonialism keep up the differences in the working clas.
During a rebellion, military, political and social necessities cannot be separated.
Oppressors respond with mopping up operations, population transfers, reprisals and massacres (*my note Iraq). Suicide bomber has lost his brother, father or a friend and prefers victory to survival (which he thinks he is bringing nearer). He finds his humanity destroyed beyond torture and death.
Non-violent ideas are conditioned by millennia of violence, passivity places the non-violent in the ranks of oppressors (*useful only till you gather the strength to fight).
Europeans brought gold and metals, cotton and spices, that bought them labor at subsistence price. Finally they brought oil from colonies/neo-colonies.
North America is a super European monstrosity. Liberty, equality, fraternity, love, honor and patriotism are mere slogans. Europeans became men by creating slaves, over a million died. In the Algerian war of independence, innumerable persons were tortured.

Chap 1 Concerning Violence:
De-colonization is quite simply replacing a certain ‘species’ of man with another ‘species’ of man. Proof of success lies in a whole social structure being changed from bottom up. It cannot come through magical practices or a friendly understanding. It is the meeting of two forces opposed to each other by their very nature. Colonizer has brought the colonized into existence and owes his prosperity to the system. De-colonization is the creation of new men. “The last shall be the first, the first last”. That can only happen if we use all means including violence. Colonial world with prohibitions, (European and Native Quarters, Schools and apartheid) can be called into question only by violence. Police and soldiers are spokespersons of rulers (*Iraq).
In capitalist societies, aesthetic expression of respect for establishment and moral reflexes handed down from father to son, honesty of worker, a medal after forty years of service, atmosphere of submission and inhibition enlightens the task of policing considerably. Moral teachers, counselors and bewilderers separate the exploited from those in power. “In colonies, police and army subdue the populace. In post-colonial era, native elite replaced the colonists in European Quarters, well maintained and serviced. Lower classes have shanty towns, pot holed roads, poor to non-existent municipal services, garbage on streets, unclean water, diesel fumes and hunger, poor lighting and high crime, colonial context economic inequality and immense difference in life styles. It persisted with native elite.
In colonies, governing classes come from somewhere else. In post-colonial society, they are the progeny of collaborators. Destruction of social norms, economic system, cress, life-style persist into ‘independence’.
As in colonial times, native rulers paint lower classes as quintessence of evil.
During the period of liberation colonialist bourgeoisie looks for colonial elite. The native intellectual accepted the idea that essential qualities of the west remain eternal.
Individualism is the first to disappear. Brother, sister, friend, the word has been outlawed. Bourgeoisie’s brother is his purse, egoism his idol. Native intellectual discovers village assembly and cohesion of people’s committees.
Self-criticism is an African institution; quarrels should be settled in public (give up calculation, reservation, concealment). Erstwhile elite, who have not shed colonial influence, took national assets. Native elite adopt thought process of colonist bourgeoisie. Native intellectual overstresses details and forgets that defeat of the bourgeoisie is the real object, loses sight of the unity of movement. People want bread and land.
By throwing himself into vendetta, worker tries to persuade himself that oppression does not exist. A belief in fatality removes blame from the oppressor, and is attributed to God. National political parties never lay stress on armed struggle because their objective is not radical overthrow of the system. Elite are violent in words and reformist in attitude. Rank and file of nationalist parties is urban. Native intellectual wants to assimilate in the colonial world. Peasants are ignored.
Non-violence means the interest of native elite and colonist bourgeoisie.
Colonists need police to face the working class.
In the 1789 CE French revolution even the smallest French peasant benefited. But in underdeveloped countries, independence does not benefit 95% of the people. Land-owner (*Pakistan), capitalist (*India) take over.
International opinion is formed by the Western press, which is controlled by Global corporations.
Khruschev brandished a shoe in the General assembly to show contempt for capitalists they deserved. (1945, 45,000 dead at Setif, 1947, 90,000 dead in Madagascar, 1852, 200,000 in Kenya could be ignored, because international contradictions were not sufficiently distinct.
Americans take their role as patrons of international capitalism very seriously. Owned solely by capitalists, they advised Europe to decolorize in a friendly fashion. Nationalist wars were a danger to capitalism, as the comprador class would be overthrown.
Neutralism is tainted. Mercantilism is taking whatever it can from both sides. But produces fearlessness and ancestral pride.
Death of one oppressor, Israeli causes uproar and Palestinians are called terrorists. Deaths of hundreds of Palestinians cause little reaction (*Begin and Arafat were both terrorists once).
Europeans achieved national unity when middle class had concentrated most of the wealth in their hands and undertook industrialization, developed communications and looked for overseas outlets.
Underdeveloped countries show the lack of infrastructure. European opulence is obscene, built on slaves and assets of the third world.
Capitalist power condemns the newly independent to regression (*anti-Cuba economic sanctions). A regime of austerity is imposed on the rest.
If conditions of work not modified, it will take forever to humanize the world reduced to animal level by capitalists..
Capitalists have behaved like criminals in the third world and have not paid reparations.
Europe is the creator of the third world. (*The British museum is the largest collection of stolen property). Aid is the due of the third world, which the West must pay.
Loans are given on condition. Manufactured goods and machines have to be bought from the lender. Global corporations get their governments to place bases in the third world to protect their investment.
Third world countries must not make up to capitalists. They are needed, not needy.

Chap 2 Spontaneity; Its strength and weakness
There is a time lag between leaders of nationalist parties/trade unions and masses/workers.
Political parties make the mistake of organizing only industrial workers. Proletariat is the most pampered in the third world. Peasants have to be organized.
Feudal leaders form a screen between westernized nationalists and bulk of the people. Occupying power was never their enemy, because they and their ancestors were collaborators. In industrialized societies peasants are the least organized, individualistic, greedy and bad tempered and reactionary.
Nationalist parties copy Western parties and ignore rural masses. Landless peasants in the third world go to town and constitute lumpen proletariat. Bulk stay in villages and think not as individuals, but as members of a community, regard town people as traitors or knaves (*remain in thrall of landowners) and are mobilized against progressive movements.
Tribalism gives way to regionalism in the national phase.
Left wing parties generally eschew armed struggle. There is no settling of scores after independence. New leaders have no base among the people so dictatorship of various kinds takes over.
National government treats people as the colonial power did. (*Indian National congress condemned Navy sailor’s revolt in Bombay a year before independence).
The opposition parties have no clear program and have no other end in view, but to take the place of the governing party.
National trade unions are born out of the struggle for independence, are organized in towns. Isolated from rural people and incapable of influence outside the town, they become pawn of political parties. The national middle class inheriting the traditions of the colonial power, uses its coercive military and police apparatus.
Nationalist parties try to come to a friendly agreement with the colonial power. Official leaders brand demands of social/egalitarian reform as adventurism and anarchism. Colonists make advances to ‘moderates’.
Political parties affirm the uselessness of trial of force and are concerned about rebellion.
You will never overthrow the relics of colonialism if you do not raise the consciousness of rank and file.
Native rulers find in lumpen proletariat a considerable space for maneuvering..
One risks defeat, if one depends upon the enemy.
Enlightening of conscious and knowledge of history of societies comes with frame work of organization set by the use of revolutionary element.
Native bourgeoisie makes gains from class struggle.

Chap 3 The Pitfalls of National consciousness
National middle class coming into power is underdeveloped middle class. Its psychology is that of businessmen, not that of captains of industry. Political parties are completely ignorant of the economics of their own country. It goes on sending out raw material. Nationalization (*Bhutto) means transfer of unfair advantages that foreign rulers had, into their own hand, its mission is that of intermediary between nation and capitalist and is helped towards decadence by the Western bourgeoisie and organize centers and resorts of relaxation to please the Western bourgeoisie and takes on the role of manger for Western enterprises. Behavior of landed gentry is practically identical with that of the bourgeoisie. They intensify the exploitation of agricultural workers and demand much more work in the name of the nation. From nationalization, they pass on to chauvinism and ethnic hatred.
National bourgeoisie fail to break through to the people as their political sense is hazy and people fall back to tribalism.
Neo-colonialism like colonialism only extracts natural resources and makes a few natives rich. Competition for jobs left by colonists leads to ethnic rivalry. National bourgeoisie has totally assimilated colonial thought in its most corrupt form.
Bourgeoisie fail not only in the economic field. Coming to power on a narrow nationalist base, they lack even minimal humanism. They choose single party domination (*in Pakistan, the feudal class), which is the modern form of dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. The dictator acts as a braking power on political consensus of the people. During the struggle they had been promised forward march.
For the common masses nothing has changed. Inside the regime there is inequality of acquisition of wealth. Corruption triumphs and morality declines. Army and the police and advised (*directed) by foreign experts function as pillars of the regime, whose powers are proportionate to stagnation. Foreign multi-national corporations (MNC) capture all the assets through the World Bank, International monetary Fund and other agencies.
Contempt for the state and discontent of the masses rises, regime becomes harsher and the army becomes the arbiter. The racketeers and profiteers eventually fall with in the grasp of the army.
In underdeveloped countries, true bourgeoisie does not exist, only a little greedy caste, too glad to remain in thrall to global corporations with a caricature of its European counterpart. Assembly plants sprout consecrating neo-colonialist industrialization. In terms of less developed countries, bourgeoisie phase is useless. Its inner condition undermines it. Neo-colonists continue to rule through their agents who try to identify with the neo-colonialists. Initially civil service dominates (*Pakistan 1947-1958). Traders/petty bourgeoisie strike demagogic attitudes.
The incoherent masses of the people are seen as a blind force, which must be kept in check by mystification or force.
Parties in certain districts are organized as a gang with the toughest person at the head and people admire him for striking terror into his closest collaborators (*Altaf, Bhutto). In order to revive reforms, the party should be decentralized. District level organization keeps the rush to cities under control.
The recourse to technical language is the mask to hide plunder. Wealth is not the fruit of labor, but the result of organized and protected robbery. Land should belong to those who till it.
Future remains a closed book as long as people have low political consciousness. Ruling classes like colonial rulers think that natives are lazy. They want people to work hard when the return of both states is wretchedness.
Youth in the less developed countries are offered the pastimes designed for developed countries, (in detective stories, slot machines, sleazy sex in porn and movies, alcohol) where effects of education and high standards of living provide relative protection.
Political education consists of recurrent harangues. Sooner or later a people get a government they deserve and parties get a people they deserve too.
Only the revolutionary leaders coming from the people can allow people participation. Less developed countries must guard against the tendency to perpetuate feudal traction of masculine superiority.

Chap 4 On National culture:
To take part in the African revolution it is not enough to write a revolutionary song, you must fashion the revolution with people…there is no place…for the artist or the intellectual who is not concerned…and at one with the people…of Africa and…suffering humanity-Sekou Toure.
In the underdeveloped countries the preceding generations have both resisted the work or erosion carried by colonialism…We must rid ourselves of the habit …of minimizing the action of our fathers or feigning incomprehension when considering their silence…Our historic mission is to sanction all revolts, all desperate actions…
In the first phase of the national struggle, colonialism tries to disarm national demands by putting forward economic doctrines. It so happens that certain measures like centers of work for the unemployed, here and there, delay the crystallization of national consciousness for a few years.
Confronted with the native intellectual who decides to make an aggressive response to the colonialist’s theory of pre-colonial barbarism, colonialism reacts only slightly as the ideas are widely professed by specialists in the colonizing country. For several decades research workers have rehabilitated the African, Mexican and Peruvian civilizations.
The passionate search for a national culture, which existed before the colonial era, finds its legitimate reason in the anxiety exhibited by native intellectuals to shrink away from the Western culture, in which they risk being swamped.
The native intellectual discover with the greatest delight that there was nothing to be ashamed of in the past.
By a kind of perverted logic, it (colonialism) distorts, disfigures and destroys the past of the colonized. The effect consciously sought by colonialism was to drive into the native’s heads that if settlers were to leave, they would at once fall back into barbarism, degradation and bestiality.
In the African world, as in the Arab, we can see the claims of the man of culture in a colonized country are all embracing, continental and in the case of the Arabs, world wide.
If the action of the native intellectual is limited historically, there remains nevertheless the fact that it contributes greatly to upholding and justifying the action of politicians.
The intellectual who is Arab and French…when he comes up against the need to take on two nationalities, chooses the negation of one of these determinations. But most often such intellectuals gather together all the historical determining factors that have conditioned them and take up a fundamentally “universal standpoint”. This is because the native intellectual has thrown himself greedily upon western culture…the native intellectual will try to make European culture his own.
The intellectual who has filtered into western civilization, who has exchanged his own culture for another, will come to realize that the cultural matrix which now he wishes to assume, can hardly supply any figureheads, which will bear comparison to those of the occupying power’s civilization.
When the native intellectual decides to make an inventory of the bad habits drawn from the colonial world, and hastens to remind every one of the good old customs of the people, which he has decided contains all the truth and goodness. When the colonists, who had tasted the sweets of their victory over these assimilated people, realize that these people whom they had considered as saved souls, are beginning to fall back into their native ways, the whole system totters.
If we wanted to trace in the works of native writers the different phases, which characterize the evolution, we would find three levels. In the first phase, the native intellectual gives proof that he has assimilated the culture of the occupying power. In the second phase, the native is disturbed and tries to remember what he is. Finally, in the fighting phase, the intellectual will actually try to shake people.
The native intellectual who comes back to his people by way of cultural achievements (and not fight) behaves, in fact, like a foreigner.
We must try to understand why our ancestors remained silent or passive in the face of colonialism. The ruling class tries to blunt the edge of struggle by propounding economic doctrines.
Colonized men of culture indulge in history instead of taking part in the struggle and discover dignity and glory in the past. Colonial rulers distort and destroy the past of the oppressed people. Claims of culture ought to be regional-African, Arab and Indian. Native intellectuals should make an inventory of habits drawn from colonists.
Culture never has the translucidity of custom; culture abhors all simplifications. In its essence, it is opposed to custom, for custom is always the deterioration of culture. When a people undertake a struggle against colonialism, the significance of tradition changes. In an underdeveloped country, during the period of struggle, traditions are unstable and shot through with centrifugal tendencies. That is why the intellectual often runs the risk of being out of date. The people who have carried on the struggle are more and more impervious to demagogy, and the demagogues and their followers are nothing more than opportunists.
The intellectual who wishes to create an authentic work of art must realize that the truths of a nation are in its realities.
It is not enough to try to get back to the past from which the people have already emerged; rather we must join them in the movement which they are giving shape to.
To fight for national culture means in the first place to fight for the liberation of the nation. A national culture is not folklore, nor an abstract populism. It is a whole body of efforts made by the people in the sphere of thought; it should therefore take its place at the very heart of the struggle for freedom.
There can be no two cultures, which are completely identical.
Reciprocal Bases of National Culture:
Colonial administration, because it is total and tends to oversimplify, very soon manages to disrupt the cultural life of a conquered people. This obliteration is made possible by the negation of national reality, by new legal relations introduced by the occupying power and by banishment of the natives and their customs to outlying districts, by expropriation and by the systematic enslavement of men and women. Dynamism is replaced fairly quickly by a substantification of the attitudes of the colonial power. Every effort is made to bring the colonized people to admit the inferiority of his culture and finally the imperfect character of his biological structure.
While the masses of people maintain the traditions intact, the intellectual throws himself in a frenzied fashion into the acquisition of the culture of the occupying power.
The colonial situation calls a halt to national culture in almost every field. Here and there valiant attempts are sometimes made to reanimate the cultural dynamic, the long-term effect of which is to brush the cobwebs off the national consciousness.
A national culture under colonial domination is a contested culture whose destruction is sought in a systematic fashion. It quickly becomes secret and reaction is immediately seen by the occupying power as a refusal to submit. This persistence to follow own culture is a throw back to the laws of inertia.
By the time a century or two of exploitation has passed, there comes about an emaciation of the national culture. It becomes a set of automatic habits, some traditions of dress, a few broken down institutions. There is no creativity. The poverty of the people, national oppression and the inhibition of culture are one and the same thing. The negation of culture breeds aggression in the native, which is however of the reflexive type, that along with exploitation and endemic famine drives the native to organized revolt. International events uphold the native’s combativity. The tensions have repercussions on the cultural plane. In literature there is overproduction. It initially chooses to confines itself to the tragic and poetic style, later to novels, short stories and essays. Themes are also altered, we find less and of bitter, hopeless recriminations, violent resounding, florid writing, which actually serves to reassure the occupying power. Stinging denunciations are in fact assimilated by the occupying power in a cathartic process.
The progress of national consciousness modifies and gives precision to the literary utterances of the native intellectual. While in the beginning the native intellectual used to produce his work to be read exclusively by the oppressor, now his wrotings takes on the habit of addressing his own people. It is only from that moment that we can speak of a national literature. It molds the national consciousness, giving it form and contour and opening new and boundless horizons. The storytellers who used to narrate inert episodes now bring them alive. The example of Algeria is significant in this context. From 1952-53 CE, they completely overturned their traditional methods. Colonialism made no mistake when from 1955 on; it proceeded to arrest these story tellers systematically.
The existence of a new type of man is revealed to the public.
The emergence of imagination and creative urge in the songs and epic stories of a country is worth following. Comedy and farce disappear or lose their attraction. By losing its characteristics of despair and revolt, the drama becomes a part of the common lot of the people. Woodwork, which formerly turned out certain faces and attitudes begin to be differentiated. By carving figures and faces, which are full of life, the artist invites participation in an organized movement. If we study the repercussions of the awakening in the domains of ceramics, the same observations may be drawn. Certain ocheres and blues, which were forbidden, now assert themselves. On the whole such changes are condemned in the name of artistic style. It is the colonialists who become the defenders of the native style. We remember the reactions of the white jazz specialists when after the WW II new styles such as be-hop took definite shape.
. In their eyes jazz should be only despairing nostalgia of a whiskey swilling Negro. As soon as a Negro comes to an understand himself, he gives birth to hope and forces back the racist universe.
The same upward springing trends comes from singing and dancing and traditional rites and ceremonies. Everything works together to awaken the native’s sensibility, and to make unacceptable the contemplative attitude or defeat.
Culture is the first expression of a nation, its preferences, taboos, values and its patterns. A national culture is the sum total of these appraisals. The nation is not the only condition of culture; it is also a necessity. National character will make such a culture open to other cultures and enable it to permeate and influence them.
What are the relations between the struggle, whether political or military and culture? Is the struggle for liberation a cultural phenomenon or not. The conscious and organized undertaking by a colonized people to reestablish the sovereignty of the nation constitutes the most complete and obvious manifestation that exists. After the conflict, there is not only the disappearance of colonialism, but also the disappearance of the colonized man.
A struggle which mobilizes all classes of people, not afraid to count almost exclusively on their support, will of necessity triumph. After national freedom has been obtained under these conditions, there is no such painful cultural indecision, which is found in certain countries after freedom.
The liberation of the nation is one thing, the methods and popular content of the fight are another. Future of national culture is equally a part and parcel of the values which have obtained during the struggle for freedom.
We must denounce the claims that national claims are a phase that humanity has left behind. It would be a mistake to skip the national period.
The consciousness of self is not the closing of a door to communications, on the other hand, that is its guarantee. National consciousness, which is not nationalism, is the only thing that will give us an international dimension.
The most urgent thing today for the intellectual is to build up his nation. The building of a nation is of necessity accompanied by the discovery of universalizing values. Far from keeping it apart, national liberation leads the nation to play its part on the stage of history.

Chap 5 Colonial Wars and mental disorders.
(Deals with the mental disorder during the Algerian war of independence)
Imperialism, which fights against a true liberation struggle, leaves in its wake tinctures of decay.
Colonialism was already taking on the aspect of a fertile purveyor for psychiatric hospitals in 1954.
Because it is a systematic negation of the other person and determination to deny the other person all attributes of humanity, colonialism forces the people it dominates the question “in reality, who am I?” The defensive attitudes created by violent bringing together of the colonized man and the colonial system form into a structure which reveals the colonized personality. Colonized people is not only simply a dominated people. Under German occupation, the French remained men. In Algeria, there is not simply the domination, but the decision not to occupy anything more than the land. The Algerians, the veiled women, the palm trees and the camels make up the landscape, the natural background to the human presence of the French.
Hostile nature is in fact represented in the colonies by the bush. Colonization is a success when this indocile nature has been finally tamed. In the period of colonization, not contested by armed resistance, the defensive attitudes of the natives give way and they crowd the mental hospitals.
Clinical psychiatry classifies the different disturbances as ‘reactionary psychoses;. The events giving rise to the disorder are chiefly the blood thirsty and inhuman practices and the firm impression that people have been caught up in a veritable Apocalypse.
Another strongly held idea, that reactional disorders are relatively harmless needs to be contested. In one of the African countries, a patriot who had placed a bomb under instruction from his organization, which had killed ten people, suffered from insomnia, anxiety and suicidal obsessions on the date every year.
Series A:
-Impotence in an Algerian following the rape of his wife.
-Undifferentiated homicidal impulsions in a survivor of a mass murder.
-Marked anxiety psychosis of the depersonalization type after the murder of a woman while temporarily insane in a soldier.
-A depressed European policeman meets a former victim suffering from stupor in a hospital.
-A European police inspector who tortured his wife and children.
Series B:
-Murder by two Algerians, 13 and 14 years old, of their European playmate.
-Accusatory delirium and suicidal conduct disguised as ‘terrorist activity’ in a 22 year old Algerian.
-Neurotic attitude of a young Frenchwoman, whose highly placed civil servant father was killed.
-Behavior disturbances in young Algerians under 10
Series C:
Affective-intellectual modification and mental disorders after torture
-Category 1: After ‘preventive’ tortures of an indiscriminate nature
- 2: After torture by electricity
- 3: After the truth serum
- 4: After brainwashing *We know that in the USA, a trend towards psycho-sociology has developed (author’s footnote).
Series D:
-Psychosomatic disorders
Oppressed classes suffer from psychosomatic disorders

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